Many medical journals have a substantial income from
pharmaceutical companies from the purchasing of advertising and reprints andthe sponsoring of supplements. Is this funding corrupting journals?
One of my first experiences of the relation between medical
journals and pharmaceutical companies occurred in the early1980s
after the BMJ had published papers suggesting that anew
non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drug, benoxaprofen, mighthave
serious side effects. We were visited by three stern menfrom Eli
Lilly, the makers of the drug. Tony Smith, the deputy editor, conducted the
meeting and asked me to join him. Themen, whom I remember (probably
wrongly) as having gold teeth,threatened us with legal action, at
which point Tony said:"In that case we'll see you in court." They
backtracked hastilyand asked simply to be able to publish a prompt
response.
Those papers led eventually to benoxaprofen being banned, butthe
drug's rapid demise may well have been caused by its rapidascent.
The summer before the meeting with the men with goldteeth, I had
visited Eli Lilly's headquarters in Indianapolis.I had won a prize
from the Medical Journalists Association,and the money had to spent
on a journalistic investigation.I was interested in compensation for
drug injury and decidedto visit the United States to look at its
system. The prizemoney came from Lilly, and as Lilly had been
involved in oneof the biggest cases of drug injuryfrom
diethylstilbestrolitmade sense to visit them. My wife and I were
put up in a grandhotel at the company's expense and treated very
well.
Lilly showed me films that were to be used to promote benoxaprofen
when it was launched. I thought them wildly over the top: patients
with severe arthritis were shown before they took the drugand then
afterwards dancing. The message was that benoxaprofendidn't simply
relieve the symptoms of the disease; it actuallyreversed the
disease. I was sceptical of this claim, and evenif it had some truth
I thought the films excessive.
When the drug was later launched in Britain Eli Lilly made these extravagant
claims. The Liverpool Echo carried a report of "a miracle drug." Heavy
marketing meant that the drug began rapidlyto be widely prescribed.
This meantironicallythatreports of side effects also appeared
rapidly, culminatingin the papers in the BMJ. Research
published later showed thatbenoxaprofen probably didn't cause any
more side effects thansimilar drugsbut it didn't reverse the
process. Benoxaprofenmay have died from being overhyped.
This story had a formative influence on me and caused me tofret
about the relationship between doctors and the pharmaceutical
industry. Firstly, it taught me something about conflict ofinterest:
your opinion may not be bought, but it seems rudeto say critical
things about people who have hosted you sowell. Secondly, there's a
tendency to see the industry as villainsand doctors as innocent
victimsbut that's oversimplified.In doing their best for patients,
doctors will need to usethe products the pharmaceutical industry
makes, and it's reasonablethat the industry should be able to
promote its products. Butsurely doctors should be looking also to
independent sourcesof information, and how did we reach a point
where so many doctors won't attend an educational meeting unless it's
accompaniedby free food and a bag of "goodies"? Something's wrong,
andmedical journals are part of what's wrong.
Summary points
Free newspapers for doctors depend completelyon income from pharmaceutical advertising, but
many journalsalso depend heavily on such
advertising
The advertising isoften misleading
Editorial coverage is much more valuable todrug companies than advertising, and scientific
studies canbe manipulated in many ways to
give results favourable to companies
Manymedical journals have a substantial
income from supplementsand reprints paid for
by drug companies
Pharmaceutical advertising in
journals
Advertising is the most obvious and straightforward way in which
pharmaceutical companies use medical journals. In most countries
companies can advertise drugs only to doctors. This createsa
lucrative market for publications to doctors, and many countrieshave
many publications that are sent free to doctors and entirelypaid for
by advertising.
To attract advertising these publications have to be read bythe
doctors whom the advertisers want to reach. So the freepublications
work hard at making themselves attractive, relevant,interesting, and
easy to readin contrast to journals,which are often delivering
complex, difficult to read materialof limited relevance.
Journals compete with free publications for advertising. Doctors
in Britain receive the BMJ free in part because of the support
the journal receives from pharmaceutical advertising. BMJUSA,
which circulates monthly to 90 000 doctors in the United States,is
paid for entirely by advertising. Because of advertisingthe New
England Journal of Medicine is sent free to many hospitaldoctors
in Britain and JAMA to many doctors in the United States.
Pharmaceutical advertising almost certainly does affect prescribing,1though no randomised trials have been done and most
doctorssay that they are not influenced by advertising.
Nevertheless,publishers have calculated a return on investment of
drug advertisingand argued that it produces a better return than
spending moneyon drug company representatives.
Is advertising misleading?
We have good evidence to show that much drug advertising is
misleading. A US congressional inquiry reported that from August1997
to August 2002 the Food and Drug Administration (FDA)issued 88
letters accusing drug companies of advertising violations.In many
cases companies overstated the effectiveness of thedrug or minimised
its risks.1
These violations pursued by the FDA are almost certainly, however,
the tip of the iceberg. A 1992 study, which included all 109full
page advertisements from 10 leading medical journals,found many more
problems.2 The authors were able to find fourfifths of the references cited in the advertisements. Theythen
sent the advertisements and the references to specialistreviewers,
asking them to evaluate the advertisements usingFDA criteria. In a
third of cases two or more reviewers disagreedwith the advertiser's
claim that the drug was the "drug ofchoice." In 40% of
advertisements the reviewers thought thatinformation on efficacy was
not balanced with that on sideeffects and contraindications.
Overall, reviewers would nothave recommended publication of 28% of
the advertisements andwould have required major revisions in a
third. A recent Spanishstudy found that promotional statements made
in nearly halfof almost 300 advertisements were not supported by the
referencethey cited.3
Should journals refuse to publish
drug advertisements?
As advertisements influence prescribing yet are often misleading,
the question arises whether medical journals should publishthem and,
if they do, whether they should peer review them.Few editors (and
fewer owners) refuse advertisements. Manyreview advertisements and
turn down those that they think misleading.The BMJ's policy
is given in the box.
Editorial material favourable to drug
companies
Advertisers would always prefer favourable editorial coverageto
an advertisementbecause they too know that readersdiscount
advertising. So, most crassly, advertisers may offerto buy
advertising if it can be accompanied by favourable editorialmentions
of their products. Next, advertisers seek to publish"advertorials,"
advertising that is mostly words that theyhope may not be
distinguishable from editorial material.
Most commonly, however, advertisers want to know what is tobe
published in a journal so they can position their advertising
alongside editorial material favourable to their products.Many
journals seem to sell advertising space on this basis.
BMJ policy on advertisements
At the BMJ we don't attempt to
review the claims made by advertisements. We do review
advertisementsfor taste but rarely turn any
down. The logic of this position,which many
find extreme, is as follows.
Strict British andEuropean laws
control the claims that can be made in
advertisements
TheUK industry has a code
regulating advertisements, and companiesare quick to report each other for breaking
the code
We knowthat readers discount
advertising (though this conflicts with evidence
that advertising changes prescribing)
It makes sensefor us to
concentrate our resources on improving editorial,
not advertising, pages.
We encourage readers to criticise
advertisementsjust as they criticise
editorial pages, and we encourage them
to complain to the authorities if they think the
offence seriousenough.
This policy is against the backcloth that we wantthe income from advertising. Like many editors, we
believethat, paradoxically perhaps, such
income buys us independence.Advertisers have
little power to influence what is publishedpartlybecause there are many of them. But if owners have
to supporta journal financially they will
want the journal to promotetheir view of the
world. We also know that if readers are given
a choice of paying for a journal without advertising or
receivingfree a journal with advertising,
nearly all opt for the freejournal.
Ultimately, however, medical journals are probably more usefulto
pharmaceutical companies for publishing trials than theyare for
advertising. Though the free publications may be betterread than
journals, they cannot provide the worldwide approvalthat accompanies
a major trial in an international journal.
A major randomised trial that is favourable for a drug is amajor
step in creating the "blockbuster drug" that all companieswant. This
means that the marketing people in a pharmaceuticalcompany will
often be more interested in clinical trials thanare
researchersbecause many trials are scientificallyuninteresting.
What is happening is that this major scientificinventionthe
randomised trialis being debasedfor marketing reasons. And medical
journals are very much partof this process because they are the
outlets for these trialsandthe impact of a trial is much magnified
if it is in a majorjournal.
A quick guide to corrupting science
to promote drugs
The best trial asks a simple, medically important question,is
properly randomised (to avoid bias), and is conducted ona large
scale (to avoid getting the wrong answer by chance).There are many
ways to debase the process for marketing purposes.
Seeding and switching trialsSometimes companies will conduct trials
simply to get doctors to prescribe their drug.These "seeding trials"
are often scientifically meaningless.They have no clear question and
no controls. But they are conductedon a large scale, and
"investigators" (often ordinary doctors,not researchers) are paid
substantial sums to enter patientsinto the trial. A variant is a
"switching trial" in which adoctor is paid to switch patients from
their usual treatmentto the new treatment. These sorts of trials
will rarely makeit into major journals, but many may be published
somewhereandthen used to promote the drug with doctors, most of
whom arescientifically naive.
Postmarketing surveillanceYet another variantwith perhaps more
scientific justificationis postmarketingsurveillance. Many adverse
effects of drugs do not emerge untilafter they are on the market, so
it makes scientific senseto gather data on patients taking new
drugs, but it can alsomake marketing sense as a way of getting
doctors to prescribethe drug. Again doctors may be paid substantial
sums "for expenses."My guess is that they rarely explain this to
patients. Instead,patients may be flattered to think that they are
getting thenewest (with a false implication of best) treatment.
Thesetrials will often be published, sometimes in major
journalsbecausethey give important data on adverse effects.
Placebo controlled trialsPharmaceutical companies are usually
required to conduct a trial of their new drug againsta placebo to
get a licence for the drug. This requirement mayconflict with the
Declaration of Helsinki, which deems it unethicalto give patients a
placebo if an evidence based treatment isavailable. As most new
drugs are not completely new but "metoos," this conflict arises
often. What patients and doctors want to know is whether the new drug is better
than existingtreatments. But pharmaceutical companies have a horror
of "headto head" trials, where treatments are tested against each
otherin trials that are big enough to give a clear answer. A clearbut unfavourable answer would be dreadful for a company that
had spent hundreds of millions of dollars bringing the drugto market
and tens of millions on trials.
Equivalence trialsCompanies thus prefer a trial against placebo or a
trial that shows that their drug is as good asanother. These
"equivalence" or "non-inferiority" trials are particularly hard to interpret. In
essence, the trial is notbig enough to be able to show that one
treatment is betterthan another, but not so small as to be
meaningless. Most trialsfunded by pharmaceutical companies are in
these categories,which is why it is possible for none of the 61
trials of non-steroidalanti-inflammatory drugs funded by
pharmaceutical companies to come up with a result unfavourable to the company.4 It's less a matter of suppressing unfavourable results
and more a (lessdishonest?) matter of making sure you don't fund a
trial thatwill work against you.
DosesThere are other ways to make it more likely that results will be
favourable. You can use a dose of the competitordrug that is lower
than optimal. Or use the competitor drugin a dose that is higher
than optimal and so will have moreside effects. This may have
happened with trials of new antidepressants,where the selling point
is not that they are more effectivebut that they are less toxic.
Sorting it out
This is not an exhaustive list, and there is a similar arrayof
methods of getting favourable results from systematic reviewsand
economic evaluations. Indeed, economic evaluations, whichare
relatively unfamiliar to editors and readers and highlycomplex, may
be particularly easy to manipulate. It's difficultwith all of this
to sort out dishonesty, honest bias, and cleveruse of legitimate
methods, but we journals need to try anddo sonot least because
three quarters of randomisedtrials reported in major journals are
funded by the pharmaceutical industry.5 Often too
the trials are conducted not by academicresearchers (who at least in
theory will not be beholden tothe industry) but by contract firms
who are paid a fee to getthe job done. These firms will not
objectas academics mightif the company chooses not to publish the results,perhaps because they are unfavourable.
The International Committee of Medical Journal Editors has madea
small stand against such practices by saying that journalsshould
publish papers only if the authors control the rightto publication.6 This is tokenism, though: if the sponsors
controlled publication and didn't like the results, the paperswon't
be sent to these journals for publication.
The lucre of reprints and supplements
The major journals try to counterbalance the might of the pharmaceutical
industry, but it is an unequal battlenot least becausejournals
themselves profit from publishing studies funded bythe industry.
Major trials are very good for journals in thatdoctors around the
world want to see them and so are more likelyto subscribe to
journals that publish them. Such trials alsocreate lots of
publicity, and journals like publicity. Finally,companies purchase
large numbers of reprints of these trials.Sometimes they will spend
more than $1m on reprints of a singlestudy, and the profit margin to
the publisher is huge. Thesereprints are then used to market the
drugs to doctors, andthe journal's name on the reprint is a vital
part of that sell.
Another way in which journals become entangled is through publishing
supplements. The big weekly journals do not publish supplements,but
many specialist journals doand they can be veryprofitable. Some
journals have a supplement with every issue,and generally the poorer
the scientific quality of the supplementand the more favourable it
is to the company that funds it,the bigger the profit. If a journal
is willing to publish every paper presented at a symposium that was funded by a
single companyand that dealt with one drug, then it can charge a
substantialfee. Often these papers will be set pieces by, to be
crudefor a moment, "paid industry hacks" and will have been
publishedmany times. If, however, the journal wants to peer review
everystudy and take only those that are original and pass reviewthen the fee will be smaller. Studies have shown that papers published in
supplements are of poorer quality than those publishedin the main
journal.78
Conclusion
In one sense, all journals are boughtor at least cleverly usedby the
pharmaceutical industry. The industry dominateshealth care, and most
doctors have been wined and dined byit. It's not surprising,
therefore, that medical journals tooshould be heavily influenced by
industry. But health care,doctors, journals, andI believethe
pharmaceuticalindustry would all benefit from relationships being
less grubby and kept more at arm's length and businesslike.
This is a drastically shortened chapter from a book by RS
provisionally called "The Trouble with Medical Journals" and due to be published
by Cambridge University Press next year.
Competing interests: RS is editor of the BMJ and chief
executiveof the BMJ Publishing Group Ltd. He is responsible for
journalsthat include advertising, sell reprints, and publish
supplements.He is paid a fixed salary. For further information on
his competinginterests access
http://bmj.com/aboutsite/comp_editorial.shtml
References
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Villanueva P, Peiro S, Librero J, Pereiro I. Accuracy of
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2003;361: 27-32.[CrossRef][ISI][Medline]
Rochon PA, Gurwitz JH, Simms RW, Fortin PR, Felson DT,
Minaker KL, et al. A study of manufacturer supported trials of
non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drugs in the treatment of arthritis.
Arch Intern Med 1994;154: 157-63.[Abstract]
Egger M, Bartlett C, Jüni P. Are randomised controlled
trials in the BMJ different? BMJ 2001;323: 1253.[Free Full Text]
Rochon PA, Gurwitz JH, Cheung M, Hayes JA, Chalmers TC.
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