| EDITORIAL • January 17, 2003
Trial lawyers,
special interests and vaccines
This editorial page recently called for a careful investigation
of reports that thimerosal, a mercury-based preservative that until
recently was used in many vaccines, may be linked to a large increase in
autism, an incurable developmental disorder in children. At hearings
held last year by Rep. Dan Burton, then-chairman of the House Government
Reform Committee, serious questions were raised about the possible
existence of a causal link. But much of the necessary scientific data
isn't in yet, and it's unclear that such a connection exists.
Unfortunately, trial lawyers and some members of Congress, led by
Sen. Debbie Stabenow, Michigan Democrat, are not content to wait for the
evidence. Instead, they seem intent on resolving this difficult problem
through emotionalism and subjecting vaccine manufacturers like Eli
Lilly, the maker of thimerosal, to expensive lawsuits.
For now, it appears that trial lawyers and their political allies
have the upper hand. Last Friday, Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist,
honoring an agreement made by his predecessor, Sen. Trent Lott, reached
agreement with three Republicans who lined up with Mrs. Stabenow on the
issue — Sens. Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins of Maine and Lincoln
Chafee of Rhode Island — to repeal language, included in last year's
bill creating a new Department of Homeland Security, which would have
shielded vaccine manufacturers from lawsuits.
Since early November, when the homeland security bill was being
debated in the Senate, Mrs. Stabenow and many of her Democratic
colleagues on Capitol Hill have denounced the vaccine language as a
special-interest measure benefiting big drug companies that would
"severely limit parents' ability to get justice for their children."
Mrs. Stabenow accused advocates of the vaccine measure of seeking "to
reward powerful special interests under the guise of homeland security."
But these assertions by Mrs. Stabenow, (who according to the Web
site opensecrets.org received $474,412 from trial lawyers during her
2000 Senate campaign, the seventh-highest total received by senators
that year), stand the truth on its head. Her proposal, which will be
voted on in the Senate in coming weeks, will hardly make Americans
safer. Instead, it could well jeopardize public health and homeland
security by making it less likely that essential, lifesaving vaccines —
including vaccines against diseases caused by chemical or biological
weapons — ever make it to market.
Victor Schwartz, a veteran Washington lawyer who serves as general
counsel for the American Tort Reform Association, points out that
Congress, with the support of liberals such as Rep. Henry Waxman,
California Democrat, instituted the no-fault vaccine injury compensation
program in the mid-1980s to provide a quick alternative to enable
individuals to receive compensation when they are injured by a vaccine.
Mr. Schwartz, who was involved in drafting that legislation, says that
Congress always intended the program to cover ingredients along with the
vaccines themselves. The provision of last year's homeland security
legislation (which was added in response to trial lawyers' efforts to
create an artificial distinction between vaccines and their ingredients)
was nothing more than an effort to clarify this point.
What's more, the provision didn't take away anyone's right to sue.
Instead, it allows people injured by vaccines and their ingredients the
chance to quickly recover damages for their injuries from a compensation
fund paid for by manufacturers. "Most people agree to a settlement
through this fund, but if they are not satisfied with their award, they
can then choose to file a civil lawsuit," Mr. Schwartz says.
By contrast, the Stabenow approach will effectively guarantee that,
unless a vaccine ingredient works perfectly and without adverse side
effects in every person who receives it — an impossible standard to meet
— that the manufacturer could face a multimillion-dollar lawsuit. This
will make it far less likely that vaccines, including ones that could
protect Americans in the event of deadly attacks using chemical or
biological weapons, will ever be produced. Already, the number of
foreign and domestic vaccine producers has declined from roughly 24 in
1967 to just four today.
Some trial lawyers may rack up megabucks attorneys' fees under such
a system. But the great majority of Americans who could be protected
through the development of livesaving vaccines will be the losers. To
prevent such a tragedy, President Bush and responsible members of
Congress need to revisit the issue of tort reform — especially as it
applies to the development of vaccine ingredients — right away.
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