Monday, January 13, 2003
Following is a transcribed excerpt from
FOX News Sunday, Jan. 12, 2003.
TONY SNOW, FOX NEWS: Good morning from
Fox News headquarters in Washington.
In the news this morning, tensions with North
Korea, a potential war with Iraq, and a pitched battle on Capitol
Hill over how best to rev up the economy.
Joining me now to discuss these topics and
more, Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist of Tennessee in his first
Sunday morning interview as majority leader.
Six days in, congratulations.
SEN. BILL FRIST, R-Tenn.: Good to be with you.
SNOW: Let's talk first about the economy. The
president has a $674 billion stimulus package, and already it's
meeting some opposition from members of your own party.
Let me just read a quote from George Voinovich,
a former governor of Ohio, now a senator. He thinks there are
problems with the deficit. Here's what he says: "It's heavy, it's
big. I don't think it will give us the shot in the arm or rev us up
like I think we need to be revved up. As far as the eye can see, I
see red."
Is he wrong?
FRIST: The economy needs really one thing. It
needs a stimulus, yes, but what it really needs to do is attention
to growth and jobs.
Right now we're in the middle of a soft
recovery, an economy where interest rates are very low. Home
mortgages are up because mortgage rates are low. Productivity is
very good, but as we saw last Friday, joblessness, unemployment, is
way, way too high.
So what I would argue is that the president's
plan actually really goes right where the problem is. Grow that
economy, and by growing the economy over time, yes, starting now,
but over the midterm and long term, we'll be able to create jobs and
make this a true recovery, including lowering that unemployment
rate.
SNOW: So when Democrats talk about a short-term
stimulus, and targeted tax cuts that expire, your contention is,
what? That that doesn't help the long-term economic growth?
FRIST: I think you need a balanced plan, and to
me the attractive thing about the president's plan is that it looks
at accelerated tax cuts. It looks at business investment incentives
and child tax credits and marriage penalty tax, the dividends
income, and addresses the unemployment issue.
It's balanced in terms of short term and long
term, with the ultimate goal not just a sort of shot in the arm, a
short-term stimulus, but that promotion of growth, which can be both
short-term, midterm and long-term, which means more jobs.
SNOW: So, again, you don't think a short-term
stimulus ultimately helps the economy in the long run?
FRIST: Well, if you look at the president's
plan, which is about $670 billion, there is a stimulus of about $60
billion which is right now. But the real beauty, to me, is that
coupled with that stimulus is this larger stimulus for growth which
takes place not just this year, but the year after that and the year
after that, and growth of the economy, and thus creation of jobs.
SNOW: You mentioned before low interest rates
and everybody buying homes. We saw a stock market bubble in recent
years where a lot of people invested because things looked
attractive, and everything collapsed. Are you worried about a
housing bubble?
FRIST: No, I'm not, because it is the one place
that today the consumer does save and does invest.
One of the real problems that we have today, I
think, is the credit cards getting higher and higher and higher in
terms of the debt that individuals own.
With these homes out there, we allow
individuals to save and to invest on a steady, a progressive way,
over time.
So I don't think we'll see a housing bubble,
and I think the housing market in many ways has saved us through the
initial recession, and made our recovery actually more strong,
stronger than it would have been otherwise.
SNOW: Now, I mentioned before Senator George
Voinovich. He is hardly the only Republican to express skepticism.
You have John McCain. You've got Lincoln Chafee whose already said
that he's not going to get involved. You've got Chuck Grassley,
whose committee is going to be handling a tax bill. All of these
people -- Kay Bailey Hutchison, Olympia Snowe -- others are saying
we're not sure this is going to work.
Do you think you're going to have the votes to
get the president's plan through?
FRIST: I do think we will. I think that the
plan, which was presented just seven days ago, or six days ago now,
will be looked at, will be debated on the floor of the United States
Senate, and yes, at the end of the day it will probably even be
amended to some extent.
But recognition by the American people, by the
representatives in the United States Senate that a jobless recovery
today is one that just can't be tolerated means we need to act, and
that there are things that government can do.
And remember, with the president's last tax
plan, in 2000, when it was delivered, we heard the same sort of
questioning, the same sort of lack of support.
So yes, the president will have to sell it.
Yes, the United States Senate will have to debate it and look at it,
each and every one of those components. But at the end of the day, I
am confident that in a bipartisan way, just like in 2001, when we
passed this last tax plan, that we will have support to pass it, to
implement it and ultimately reap the benefits of it.
SNOW: In 2001, the tax plan was actually larger
than the original proposal.
Tom DeLay, who is the House majority leader,
says the president's tax plan, that he regards it -- here it is: "I
see the president's package as a floor, not a ceiling." He thinks
there may be even further tax cuts. Is that a possibility?
FRIST: Well, I think, as you point out, you
just named several people who said $674 billion as a growth and
economics package and jobs package is too much, and you hear others,
Tom DeLay, basically saying no, that's not enough.
FRIST: Given the fact that our economy is
sluggish, the fact that unemployment -- as I said last Friday, we
see what those challenges are. It may take an even greater
investment, and that's the sort of debate that will be carried out
on the floor of the United States Senate.
SNOW: Democrats again have said that there's
not enough short- term stimulus. Would your response to them,
therefore, be OK, you want more stimulus, we'll give you bigger tax
cuts?
FRIST: Well, it could be, but no. Because I
think the plan, as presented, is a balanced plan. It's sort of like
the same rhetoric that they put out, tax cuts for the rich. You
know, the same old rhetoric as before.
You can always take one part of those six
different planks, one of those planks, and say well, that benefits a
certain population. What's important is that you look at the overall
plan itself. When you say that there are 92 million people who are
going to be handed a check for $1,000 this year, your viewers right
now, is that a tax cut for the rich? Depends on who you are. Is that
an immediate stimulus? It depends on what you do with that $1,000.
The family of four, the mother and the father
and the two kids, who are going to have a 96 percent tax cut, tax
cut, this year because of the president's plan, again, that's money
in their pocket to spend that they can, as consumers, stimulate the
economy.
SNOW: Tom Daschle, the former Senate majority
leader, has said -- he's called it, quote, "obscene." Your reaction?
FRIST: Well, you know, you can call it obscene.
Tax cut for the rich will be the same sort of rhetoric.
I'll debate anybody on the substance itself.
When you look at acceleration of everybody's tax cuts, accelerated
forward, that benefits the poor, the middle income and the rich and
the affluent.
Child tax credits. If you have a child, instead
of getting $600 this year, you'll get $1,000 this year.
SNOW: Now, before the president presented his
plan, the press was saying $300 billion. All of the sudden we wake
up one day and it's more than twice as large as expected. Is this
the president's way of saying "in your face" to Democrats?
FRIST: Well, I don't know. I don't think the
president is going to be playing politics with this in terms of...
SNOW: Well, of course he is. I mean, don't you
think this is a good political issue as well as a good economic
issue?
FRIST: Well, you know, again, I don't think
he'd be playing politics with it. I think he's going to put the very
best policy, which will help hard-working Americans out there, or
Americans not working who have lost their jobs, addressing the range
of issues that we've talked about, part of it being tax cuts, but
also the re- employment accounts that give somebody $3,000 to go out
and get a job, and if you get that job, you can keep what's left
over. What -- you know, what a great, new innovative idea to help
people who have suffered by this economy.
SNOW: Now, Democrats also are complaining about
the fact that the president has renominated Charles Pickering for
the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. Charles Schumer has been sort
of a lead man on the attack. Let's listen to what he has to say
about Judge Pickering and the president's decision to nominate him.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
U.S. SENATOR CHARLES SCHUMER (D-NY): To
renominate Judge Pickering, who has not built a distinguished
record, and is probably best known for intervening on behalf of a
convicted cross-burner, shows, unfortunately, that Richard Nixon's
Southern strategy is still alive and well in the White House.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
SNOW: So, is the Southern strategy alive and
well?
FRIST: No. Again, I think this, unfortunately,
is trying to use race and racial issues to play politics.
We have a lot of unfinished business that's
left over from the last Congress, some of which I hope we address
this week -- the appropriation bills, the 11 spending bills. We had
to address the unemployment insurance from last week, and I would
add to that unfinished business from last year the 31 nominations
that the president sent over about three to four days ago.
Judge Pickering is a well-qualified judge. The
American Bar Association said -- used those words as well-qualified.
There are many people who think he did not get a fair hearing
before, so I receive his nomination gladly, and I hope that the
Judiciary Committee will have a fair hearing and be brought to the
floor, and the various issues that Senator Schumer mentioned can be
discussed both in the hearing itself as well as on the floor and
debated.
SNOW: You support Pickering?
FRIST: I do support Pickering, of what I know.
Remember, he has never been presented to the floor of the United
States Senate, and I...
SNOW: And you're saying on what you know, you
have an open mind -- you might vote against him?
FRIST: No, I plan on supporting Pickering. I'm
saying that he -- I've never met him, I've not seen his credentials.
It's never been presented to me as a United States senator. And once
it is, if it's as billed in terms of a qualified judge, somebody who
has been involved in racial reconciliation aggressively in
Mississippi, who has the endorsement of the American Bar
Association, the overwhelming support of Mississippians, the support
of the president of the United States, of course I'll support him.
SNOW: OK. Ronnie White, Missouri Supreme Court
justice who was defeated on the floor of the Senate seven years ago.
A number of Missourians now, including Richard Gephardt, the former
House minority leader, say the president ought to renominate Ronnie
White. Should he?
FRIST: Well, Ronnie White came forward with a
little bit different record, where 80 percent of the law enforcement
-- 80 percent of the sheriffs in his home state, Missouri, said
absolutely not. Wrote letters to all of us as United States
senators. So I think, we once again, could look at his
qualifications if he happens to be nominated.
SNOW: But you don't think that's going to
happen?
FRIST: I don't think that's going to happen,
and if it does happen, I think he'd be defeated again based on his
qualifications.
As a United States senator, as the majority
leader of the United States Senate, all these judicial nominees
deserve a fair and equitable hearing based upon the facts, based
upon the qualifications, and then through a vote, up or down, which
Ronnie White had by the way, and Judge Pickering never did have,
before the United States Senate, we will consider it, and at the end
of the day I would hope that the American people would support that
decision.
SNOW: The Bush administration is trying to
figure out whether to file a brief in the University of Michigan
case, that involves what opponents call quotas, what supporters call
affirmative action. No White House has ever not expressed an opinion
in a case of this nature. Should this White House get involved?
FRIST: I think that it should. You know, we've
been through a very difficult time in the last six weeks, difficult
in the sense that issues have arisen unexpectedly. I'm glad they had
arisen broadly, because -- and even in our caucus the other day,
issues surrounding race and race renewal, affirmative action
legislation as it relates to race, are going to be addressed, and
they'll be addressed again and again.
And what I am hopeful for and will fight hard
for is that that dialogue on race, race relations, race renewal,
race reconciliation, can be carried out in a more visible, a more
open way, a less politically charged way.
And if we can do that, I think, as a society,
we can make great headway in moral and civil progress.
SNOW: If the White House says that the Michigan
plan is improper, that in fact it turns racial justice on its head,
you know the reaction is going to be, there they are, they're
against affirmative action, they're against diversity, they're
against opportunities for black Americans.
FRIST: Well, and the White House -- I'm not
sure what they're going to do. I have not talked to anybody at the
White House about whether or not they're going to get involved.
Affirmative action means many different things
to many different people, as we know from recent discussions. That
interpretation to some people means strict racial quotas, which in
the minds of I'd say even most people today, strict racial quotas
mean that you're going to be discriminating against the party you
did not discriminate in the past, trying to overcompensate.
And I think that debate is one that is probably
worth having somewhere, whether it's in this particular case or not,
I'm not sure where, but I think by elevation of that dialogue, by
listening very carefully, people such as myself, leadership in
Congress, my fellow members throughout the United States Senate, I
think you're going to see a very positive dialogue on race, on
racial issues, in all sorts of capacities that none of us would have
predicted even six months ago.
SNOW: You were in the campaign, the reelection
campaign for the Senate this year. Do you as a senator, Republican,
want to recruit black party switchers? We saw one in Alabama this
week, in the south. Do you think you have an opportunity to get some
black party switchers to go Democrat to Republican?
FRIST: Well, I can tell you that the idea that
all blacks are Democrats, that by definition if you're
African-American, you're a Democrat, is something that offends me.
If you look at basic principles, whether it is
values, whether it's respect for the spiritual beliefs, whether it
is education and empowerment, whether it's the issues surrounding
health, I would argue, and would continue to argue, that the
Republican Party is more in sync, more in sync with the
African-American population today...
SNOW: OK...
FRIST: Thus, thus yes, I aggressively will go
out and recruit young African-Americans to run for public office, to
serve for public office, as Republicans, and of course I would
encourage people whose values are the same as ours to switch party,
if the opportunity arises.
SNOW: So in your opinion, Democratic Party
orthodox is out of touch with black America?
FRIST: Well, they take it for granted. There is
absolutely -- I have no question in my mind, having been in politics
aggressively the last two years as chairman of the National
Republican Senatorial Committee, the Democratic party takes
African-Americans for granted. And I'll guarantee the Republicans
don't.
I wish you could have been at my Republican
caucus just three days ago, when Sam Brownback stood up and gave a
passionate speech about the outreach to minorities,
African-Americans, when Ben Lighthorse Campbell stood up and talked
about the outreach to Hispanics.
I hate using the word outreach, because it
makes it sound like we have such a long way to go. But the
discussion and the dialogue -- or (inaudible) or Kay Bailey
Hutchison -- the excitement that is engendered by improved
relationships based on common values is something that I hope that
we can capture over the next several years.
SNOW: All right, Senator Frist, stand by. We're
going to have more with the doctor turned senator turned majority
leader when we return.
(COMMERCIAL BREAK)
SNOW: And we're back with Senate Majority
Leader Bill Frist.
Mr. Frist -- Senator Frist, let's talk about
healthcare. You're an MD, you understand the issue. Prescription
drug benefit, everybody's talking about it. You going to get one
passed soon?
FRIST: Yes, we will.
SNOW: And...
FRIST: I think it's a travesty that seniors who
expect healthcare security as a part of Medicare today cannot depend
on that. Right now, prescription drugs, outpatient prescription
drugs, are not a part of the benefits package in Medicare.
I am absolutely committed that we will
strengthen Medicare, improve Medicare, and in so doing will be able
to offer a benefit, a prescription drug benefit to seniors.
SNOW: Now, one of the peculiarities of our
system is a lot of people are uninsured and also insurance companies
have no incentive right now to put together individual policies
based on individual needs. They do it based on companies.
Do you think it is time to make all insurance
premiums deductible, individual as well as corporate? Because right
now, as you know, insurance companies are perfectly happy to write
policies for GM, but not for you and me based on our needs.
FRIST: You hit the nail on the head. Much of
that has to do with the inequity in the tax code itself as to what
one can deduct, what a company can deduct. We need to level that
playing field to get a greater incentive for insurance companies,
and private insurance companies, to be able to offer policies
appropriate for individuals.
On the flip side of that, we need -- on the
demand side of that, not the supply side of that -- I believe we
need refundable tax credits to lower that barrier, to make sure that
the individuals, as many as 40 million people, although that's
shifting in terms of the numbers, but still way too high, who don't
have insurance, will be able to have sufficient funds to purchase
one of those new policies that we just talked about.
SNOW: All right. The president, I am told, is
contemplating some fairly major healthcare reforms. He's going to
mention them in the state of the union. Is in fact healthcare going
to be one of the central issues for Republicans in the next few
years?
FRIST: I hope so. I spent 20 years in the
practice of medicine, from medical school all the way to doing heart
and lung transplants, and if there is one thing that I hope and pray
for every single day, it's that we elevate -- and the president, I
believe, is going to do that -- and now we as the United States
Congress need to do that -- to elevate those healthcare needs,
whether it's disparities in healthcare with minorities, whether it
is the uninsured 40 million, whether it is strengthening Medicare,
whether it is regional, where healthcare, like Appalachian
healthcare being inferior -- that we address those head-on in this
Congress. That would be a tremendous service to the American people.
SNOW: Speaking of Appalachian healthcare, in
West Virginia, surgeons have walked off the job, saying they can't
afford to work anymore. Malpractice insurance is making them broke.
In the past, Republicans have talked about
trying to take on trial lawyers and trying to take on liability
awards as a way of making it possible for doctors to practice
surgery without going broke. Do you think you can succeed in doing
that?
FRIST: Yes. And it's something that we fought
for for the last 10 years, because we saw this crisis coming.
But now it's a crisis, and the reason why I am
confident that we can do it now, with hard work and with the support
of the American people, is that it's become a patient access issue.
Before, it was the greedy trial lawyers versus the doctors and, you
know, who cares. You know, people watching the show, who really
cares about that.
Now, when it comes down -- if a trauma happens
to you, you're driving home today from church, and there is no
trauma surgeon there to take care of you, or if you are pregnant,
you just learned it, and you go to your obstetrician and your
obstetrician has to leave Florida and move out to California,
because the rates are so high, or if you're in Nevada, where the
trauma system actually closed down, or in West Virginia, or the
other day, where a patient had to be transferred, a trauma patient,
or a very ill, critically ill patient, 90 miles -- all of the sudden
the American people understand that sky- rocketing premiums are
hurting them.
One quick statistic: the average obstetrician
in Florida delivers 150 babies. The obstetricians malpractice
insurance cost $150,000. Every time he or she delivers a baby, there
is $1,000 tax on that baby that is ultimately paid by the family
itself.
It's unacceptable. Today physicians are leaving
the field, leaving specialties, and are leaving states. We are in a
crisis.
SNOW: Do you support a ban on cloning human
beings?
FRIST: Absolutely. In terms of cloning itself.
Cloning and stem cells are two entirely different issues. But we
should not be cloning individuals.
SNOW: OK. Now, how about the so-called
therapeutical research cloning. You're also opposed to that.
FRIST: I am opposed to any time that you create
an embryo itself with the purpose being destruction, and that would
include the so- called research cloning.
And remember, research cloning just is that,
it's experimental. There's been no demonstrated benefit of that to
date, so I don't think you ought to destroy life in order to...
SNOW: You're ready to move those bills?
FRIST: We'll address those at some point. I
don't know exactly what the agenda will be, but they will be moving
through this congress.
SNOW: Partial birth abortion -- should it be
banned, and will the Senate vote on it?
FRIST: Absolutely. It's an abhorrent, abhorrent
procedure that offends the civil sensibilities of every, I think,
just about every American.
SNOW: The last Homeland Security Bill included
an exemption from liability for drug makers, principally Eli Lily
for thimerosal. You supported that. Now you're going to pull it
back, but you want to vote on it again. Do you think in a few months
that same protection will still be law?
FRIST: The issue, we pulled it out of the
Homeland Security Bill -- I didn't put it in the Homeland Security
Bill.
We need to pass a comprehensive vaccine bill
that recognizes today that we are unprepared, from a homeland
security standpoint. If we had to develop an ebola vaccine today,
which the NIH would like to do, our country is incapable of doing
that. We used to have 12 countries making vaccines. Today we have
two countries. Nobody is going into the business. They are exiting
the business today.
We need a robust manufacturing vaccine
industry. At the same time, we need strong patient protections.
That's what my bill does.
Unfortunately, the provisions that had to be
pulled out only had one component in it, and didn't have the strong
patient protections in it. But it did have the robust -- protection
of the robust manufacturing...
SNOW: So you will -- that provision will become
law, if you have your way?
FRIST: It will, as part of a more comprehensive
balanced bill.
SNOW: OK. Let's talk a little bit about North
Korea. John McCain is arguing that this administration has made a
critical mistake. Unlike the Clinton administration, George W. Bush
has already taken military action off the table.
Should this administration reserve military
action as a possibility for a country that says that it's going to
develop nuclear weapons and might even strap them on ballistic
missiles?
FRIST: First of all, I haven't heard exactly
what Senator McCain has said, but I would argue just the opposite of
your interpretation, that our policies of the past indeed have
failed.
We know that over $1 billion in global funding
has gone to North Korea with the understanding under the agreed
framework of 1994, that they would not be pursuing an arsenal of
nuclear weapons. $1 billion from -- including us, going to that
community.
They have lied to us. They had cheated on us.
So clearly, that policy has not worked in the past.
The president's current policy, as I understand
it, is to focus on diplomacy, to understand that we have a long way
to go in terms of diplomacy, and what's different about North Korea
is that we've got huge, strong support in the region itself.
We have China onboard, we have Japan onboard,
we have South Korea on board. It's not between the United States and
North Korea, it's between the world and North Korea. Therefore,
containment and diplomacy, I believe, is the right course at this
juncture.
SNOW: A lot of people also argue that we can't
-- despite protestations to the contrary not withstanding from the
secretary of defense, we cannot actually fight two wars at once and
we need to focus on Iraq.
FRIST: No -- I don't -- I can only say what I
am told by our military and defense people, that we would be
carefully capable, if necessary, of fighting two wars. I'm not even
going to use war in the same words I use North Korea. But if we're
looking at regions around the world, if we were forced for whatever
reason, that we're perfectly capable of addressing two wars.
SNOW: Based on what you know, if Saddam Hussein
does not change his behavior in the next month, would the United
States be justified in going to war against him?
FRIST: I won't say within the next month.
Saddam Hussein has a very, very...
SNOW: OK. If the behavior does not change,
would we be...
FRIST: If his behavior does not change, and
we're convinced that he did not disarm from weapons of mass
destruction, we will end up in a war. The bottom line is, has Saddam
Hussein disarmed from weapons of mass destruction.
SNOW: Do you think there's any doubt about
that?
FRIST: At this juncture, in my own mind, I
think he has not disarmed from weapons of mass destruction.
SNOW: All right. Final question, or final quick
set of questions here. When you came before your colleagues at the
beginning of the week, you talked about wanting to reach out and
working together on common ground and so on. The first thing you had
was a conflict over unemployment insurance. You had a good pitched
partisan battle right off the bat. Were you a little naive?
FRIST: No, and an hour-and-a-half after their
initial objection to the bill, they agreed to the exact same bill.
So I don't know if it was a political ploy or, you know, we've got
this new guy on the block and let's stick it to him and see.
At the end of the day, we had an agreement
coming into the room that employment insurance would pass by
unanimous consent. And that was the agreement coming in the room.
When I made the -- what's called propounding that, they objected,
and it -- I wondered therefore, a little bit, after we had all
agreed that it was going to pass. But within an hour-and-a-half, it
did pass, and we'll move on.
You know, part of this is politics. Part of it
is the political game. Obviously, I approach this as reaching out,
reaching across the aisle. I am committed to that. I'll be looking
at results, action, good policy, good substance, political games
that go back and forth I will tolerate as other people have.
SNOW: So they tested you?
FRIST: Well, they tested me, but it really
wasn't a very big test. It was a little curve ball, and we hit it
out of the park.
SNOW: All right, Senator Bill Frist, thanks for
joining us.
FRIST: Thank you. |